Resolution would authorize a U.S.-commanded International Stabilization Force to administer Gaza for two years, disarm Hamas, and coordinate reconstruction with Israel and Egypt while the Palestinian Authority undergoes reform. Israel seems inclined to go along, but wants to keep out representatives of Turkey, Qatar, the Palestinian Authority and Islamic forces.

The Trump administration has quietly circulated a draft United Nations Security Council resolution that would give the United States and allied nations a two-year mandate to govern the Gaza Strip. The plan, shared with diplomats late Monday and confirmed by multiple sources, envisions an “International Stabilization Force” (ISF) taking control of Gaza’s borders, demilitarizing the enclave, and overseeing a transitional administration to prepare the territory for eventual Palestinian self-rule—once conditions are met.

According to a copy of the draft obtained by Axios, the ISF would be responsible for “stabilizing the security environment in Gaza by ensuring the process of demilitarizing the Gaza Strip, including the destruction and prevention of rebuilding of military, terror, and offensive infrastructure.” The force’s mandate includes permanent decommissioning of weapons from non-state groups, a clear reference to Hamas, whose arsenal and tunnel network remain the principal obstacles to any stable postwar arrangement. The draft further empowers the ISF to train and partner with newly formed Palestinian police units, ensure civilian safety, and secure humanitarian corridors and aid zones.

The proposed mission, which would operate under U.S. leadership “in close consultation and cooperation with Egypt and Israel,” marks the boldest international governance proposal since Israel’s 2005 disengagement from Gaza. American officials say the goal is to begin deploying the first ISF troops by January, with a Security Council vote expected before Saudi Crown Prince Mohammed bin Salman’s scheduled visit to the White House later this month.

Central to the plan is the creation of a Trump-backed “Board of Peace,” described as a transitional governance administration “with international legal personality.” This body would coordinate funding, reconstruction, and institutional reform under what the draft calls “the Comprehensive Plan for Gaza Redevelopment.” It would serve as the civil authority for Gaza until such time as the Palestinian Authority has “satisfactorily completed its reform program.”

The draft’s language implicitly accepts Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu’s position that the current Palestinian Authority cannot return to Gaza “in its existing form.” Netanyahu has consistently argued that neither Hamas nor the PA can be trusted to provide security. For Jerusalem, the U.S.-led trusteeship offers a middle ground: international responsibility for reconstruction and policing, coupled with guaranteed Israeli coordination and oversight of security milestones.

Israel presently maintains control over roughly 53 percent of Gaza, demarcated by what U.S. planners call the “Yellow Line.” Under the proposal, Israeli forces would withdraw gradually as ISF units deploy, with each phase tied to progress benchmarks on disarmament and counterterrorism. The plan stipulates that Israeli troops will retain a “security perimeter presence” until Gaza is deemed “properly secure from any resurgent terror threat.”

For Washington, the initiative serves both strategic and humanitarian goals. It establishes a multinational framework that limits Israel’s long-term occupation liabilities while ensuring that Gaza cannot revert to a terror base. The U.S. would command a coalition of partner nations—reportedly including Indonesia, Azerbaijan, and Pakistan—though final participation will depend on the resolution’s authority and terms. Diplomats from six Muslim countries—Saudi Arabia, Qatar, the UAE, Jordan, Pakistan, and Indonesia—met in Istanbul this week to discuss their potential roles. Turkish Foreign Minister Hakan Fidan said his government would decide “based on the ISF’s mandate and authority,” noting that “a general consensus must first be reached at the Security Council.”

Reaction in Israel has been cautious but largely positive. Senior defense officials view the ISF as a possible means to transfer day-to-day responsibilities without compromising Israel’s freedom of action. “We cannot rebuild Gaza ourselves, nor can we leave it to Hamas,” one Knesset source told Ynet last week. “If the Americans want to take responsibility, and if this comes with full demilitarization, it could work.” The same source confirmed that members of the Knesset’s Foreign Affairs and Defense Committee were briefed that the ISF would include contingents from “friendly Muslim-majority nations acceptable to Israel.”

The most delicate aspect remains Hamas’s disarmament. The group’s leaders have already signaled opposition to any plan that places Gaza under foreign authority. In response, Trump stated bluntly last month that “if Hamas won’t hand over its weapons, we will disarm them—and it’ll happen quickly and perhaps violently, but they will disarm.” That uncompromising stance reflects Washington’s view that no reconstruction can begin until Hamas is militarily neutralized and all hostages are accounted for.

The hostage issue continues to cast a shadow. Hamas returned the remains of three Israeli hostages on Sunday night, leaving eight still in Gaza—six Israelis, one Thai, and one Tanzanian. Israel has accused the group of withholding additional bodies in violation of the ceasefire framework. The U.S. proposal ties progress on governance and reconstruction to full compliance with hostage provisions and disarmament commitments.

The political timing of the draft is deliberate. Trump’s 20-point peace plan has been stalled for weeks, with negotiations over Gaza’s future frozen amid Hamas’s refusal to meet initial terms. By introducing a Security Council resolution before the Saudi leader’s visit, Washington hopes to secure Arab backing for an international mechanism that sidesteps both Hamas and the discredited PA. Saudi Arabia and the UAE, in particular, are seen as potential funders of Gaza’s redevelopment under the Board of Peace’s supervision.

For Israel, the plan could represent a turning point. It offers a structured path toward ending direct military governance while ensuring the Strip does not revert to a launchpad for terror. It also underscores the enduring U.S.-Israel partnership at a moment when some in Washington have questioned the depth of American involvement. Netanyahu has long insisted that Israel will not accept “foreign dictates” on its security—but the current draft, coordinated closely with the IDF and Egyptian authorities, gives Jerusalem significant influence over every operational milestone.

If approved, the resolution would place Gaza under a U.S.-supervised international trusteeship unprecedented in modern Middle Eastern diplomacy. It would effectively end Hamas’s control, defer Palestinian sovereignty, and replace it—temporarily—with a security-first administration designed to ensure that Gaza can never again serve as a base for attacks against Israel.

For now, the draft remains under negotiation, and several Security Council members have yet to take positions. But after a year of war and devastation, the momentum has shifted toward a new international experiment: Gaza governed not by militants or politicians, but by a coalition intent on restoring order—under American command and Israeli coordination.