If reports are correct, we are about to witness dramatic developments in the coming weeks, including Saudi and Syrian normalization with Israel, a Gaza ceasefire with all hostages returning and Hamas leadership exiled, and American recognition of Israeli sovereignty in Judea and Samaria, and Israeli openness to a two-state solution contingent on PA reform.

By all accounts, the next two weeks could witness the most consequential diplomatic realignment in the Middle East since the original Abraham Accords.

A column by veteran diplomatic correspondent Ariel Kahana in Israel Hayom cites senior sources pointing to an ambitious, tightly coordinated initiative—one that reportedly includes normalization with Saudi Arabia and Syria, a ceasefire in Gaza with Hamas leaders forced into exile, postwar security handed to Egyptian and Emirati forces, and even American recognition of Israeli sovereignty over major parts of Judea and Samaria (commonly referred to as the West Bank).

The story, first hinted at by Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu in recent interviews and closed-door meetings, was reportedly developed in the wake of the Israeli-American airstrike on Iran’s Fordow nuclear facility. According to sources cited by Kahana, it was shaped in quiet consultations between Netanyahu, Strategic Affairs Minister Ron Dermer, Trump campaign adviser Jason Witkoff, and key regional players.

If confirmed and implemented, the plan would not only reshape the current war in Gaza but also redraw the wider regional map—without waiting for a final-status negotiation with the Palestinians.

Netanyahu’s Greatest Achievement?

Netanyahu has not publicly detailed the plan. However, during a recent closed-door session with ministers, he told colleagues, “In two weeks, you will see the greatest political achievement in the history of this country.”

The timing suggests that the culmination of this initiative is expected between late June and mid-July. In a June 24 interview, Netanyahu added, “We are about to reach a new strategic alignment. You’ll see. And it includes more than one Muslim state.”

Asked if Saudi Arabia or Syria were among the countries involved, he smiled and replied, “Let’s just say old enemies may become new partners.”

According to the Israel Hayom report, the plan includes multiple stages that would unfold in close succession. First, a final military push in Gaza would be followed by an internationally endorsed ceasefire. Hamas leadership—particularly Yahya Sinwar and Mohammed Deif—would be granted limited-time asylum in Qatar, Algeria, or Turkey, under the condition they permanently leave Gaza.

Second, a new security arrangement would be imposed on the Strip. Egyptian and Emirati forces, possibly with Saudi backing, would take on day-to-day security inside Gaza, with Israeli control over border crossings and airspace remaining intact.

Third, a regional diplomatic breakthrough would be announced—most likely in the form of normalization deals between Israel and Saudi Arabia and Syria, coordinated with Washington and possibly unveiled during a symbolic Trump-led event.

And finally, the most politically sensitive element: a formal U.S. declaration recognizing Israeli sovereignty over key settlement blocs and strategic areas of Judea and Samaria. According to Kahana, this would not come from the Biden administration but from figures in the Trump campaign, possibly through congressional action or executive declaration if Trump returns to office.

The Fordow Strike as Catalyst

Much of the diplomatic momentum appears to stem from a little-publicized military event: the joint U.S.-Israel strike on Iran’s Fordow enrichment plant in mid-June.

Though neither country has publicly claimed responsibility, intelligence and defense analysts widely attribute the strike to Israel, supported logistically by the U.S. According to sources familiar with the backchannel diplomacy, the Fordow attack was not just a tactical move—it was also a signal.

It showed Arab leaders that Iran is vulnerable and that Israel remains the region’s only truly capable power against Tehran’s ambitions. In that context, the plan for Gaza and broader normalization took on new urgency.

One Israeli official was quoted as saying, “The Fordow strike changed the math. It convinced the Saudis and Egyptians that now is the time to act. Iran is reeling, and Hamas is isolated.”

Jason Witkoff, the Trump campaign foreign policy adviser, is said to be actively involved. He has reportedly conveyed to Netanyahu and Dermer that a Republican administration would fully back Israel’s demands—if a clear path to regional normalization can be delivered.

From Gaza’s Ruins to Regional Realignment?

On paper, the plan presents a coherent and bold strategy to end the war, marginalize Hamas, contain Iran, and resolve Israel’s diplomatic isolation in one stroke.

But between the vision and the outcome lies a harsh reality: Hamas is still standing.

Despite losing control of much of northern and central Gaza, Hamas leadership remains embedded in a vast underground network of bunkers and tunnels in the south. Israeli intelligence believes Yahya Sinwar, Mohammed Deif, and several hostages are being held in fortified chambers beneath Rafah and Deir al-Balah.

To date, there has been no sign of capitulation. Hamas continues to reject any deal that does not include a full IDF withdrawal and immunity for its leadership. Hostage negotiations remain frozen.

This creates a serious contradiction between the lofty diplomatic plan and the facts on the battlefield. If Hamas refuses to leave or disarm, how can any ceasefire take hold? How can Gaza be handed over to Egyptian or UAE forces if the terror infrastructure remains intact?

According to multiple diplomatic and intelligence sources, the confidence in Israeli and American circles comes from growing pressure on Hamas—not only from military attrition but also from Arab capitals.

Qatar, long Hamas’s top financial sponsor, has reportedly tired of the group’s intransigence. Egyptian officials have made it clear that Gaza’s reconstruction will not proceed without Hamas’s departure. And Saudi Arabia, once deferential to Palestinian unity, is now more interested in regional stability and deterring Iran than defending Hamas’s ideological position.

One senior official summarized the new calculus: “This won’t be a negotiation with Hamas. It will be an ultimatum—leave, or be destroyed.”

The expectation is that when Arab states align behind this message and offer Hamas a face-saving exit, pressure from within Gaza and even within the organization may force Sinwar to flee. Alternatively, Israeli forces could isolate him entirely, neutralizing his leadership and allowing others to accept the deal.

Why Syria? Why Now?

The inclusion of Syria in this deal is perhaps the most surprising twist.

Bashar al-Assad has long been aligned with Iran and Hezbollah, and the country remains under heavy sanctions and diplomatic isolation. However, recent months have seen signs of quiet re-engagement between Syria and its Sunni neighbors, particularly the UAE and Saudi Arabia.

Some analysts believe Assad is seeking to balance his Iranian dependence with Arab reintegration—and a symbolic normalization with Israel, even if limited, would serve that goal.

Ariel Kahana notes that Russian intermediaries have conveyed messages between Jerusalem and Damascus. If Syria agrees to reopen border monitoring, distance itself from Hezbollah activity on the Golan Heights, and support a new Gaza order, Israel may be willing to offer diplomatic recognition in return.

Such a move would shock the region but also demonstrate to Iran that it is losing ground even among its oldest allies.

And What About Lebanon?

While Gaza remains the focal point, Lebanon looms as a dangerous wildcard.

Hezbollah has continued low-intensity conflict along Israel’s northern border since October 8, with escalating rocket and drone attacks targeting Israeli communities and IDF positions. In parallel, Israel has launched deep strikes against Hezbollah infrastructure, command posts, and weapons stores in southern Lebanon and beyond—most recently in Baalbek and the Bekaa Valley.

In recent days, the pace of this conflict has accelerated, prompting Defense Minister Yoav Katz to warn that “the point of decision is nearing.” The IDF has openly stated that plans for a full-scale northern campaign are complete and awaiting political approval.

Still, behind the scenes, American, French, and Egyptian diplomats are exploring whether Hezbollah could be pressured—perhaps through indirect Iranian signaling—to accept a reinforced implementation of UN Security Council Resolution 1701, pulling back from the border.

For this to work, Gaza would need to stabilize first. As one Israeli general put it, “Gaza can be pacified. Lebanon must be deterred.”

The success of the Gaza plan—and its ripple effect across Syria and the Arab world—may determine whether Lebanon becomes the next battlefield or a reluctant participant in a new regional order.

Can the U.S. Deliver?

The other linchpin is American support—particularly the promise that the United States will recognize Israeli sovereignty in Judea and Samaria.

This would almost certainly not happen under the Biden administration. But with Trump rising in the polls and preparing a sweeping foreign policy agenda, his allies are preparing groundwork for recognition either during the campaign or immediately upon taking office.

A Trump-aligned Congress may also act independently to pass resolutions or symbolic recognition statements—especially if framed as part of a wider peace framework.

Sources say this recognition would likely include major settlement blocs such as Gush Etzion, Ariel, and the Jordan Valley, formalizing what many view as irreversible facts on the ground.

Who Is Ariel Kahana—and Can This Be Believed?

Given the sweeping scope of the claims, it’s fair to ask: who is Ariel Kahana, and how credible are his sources?

Kahana is the senior diplomatic correspondent for Israel Hayom, Israel’s most widely read daily and a paper long aligned with Netanyahu’s worldview. He has broken numerous exclusives related to Arab-Israeli normalization and enjoys direct access to senior officials in the Prime Minister’s Office and National Security Council.

While Kahana is ideologically aligned with the nationalist camp, he is not given to unfounded speculation. His reporting typically reflects deliberate leaks from sources trying to shape the public narrative in advance of major moves. The fact that Netanyahu has not denied the report—indeed, has echoed its tone—suggests coordination, not contradiction.

As one veteran adviser told Channel 14, “When Kahana writes it, someone at the top wants it known.”

The Clock Is Ticking

If all these elements align—military pressure, Hamas exile, Arab cooperation, Syrian recalibration, and American endorsement—the result could be the most comprehensive shift in Middle East diplomacy in decades.

But the timeline is tight. Netanyahu’s “two-week” window will close by mid-July.

One Likud minister put it bluntly: “It’s a race between the tunnels and the treaty. If Hamas cracks, we make history. If not, we keep fighting.”

As of now, the vision is bold, the pieces are moving, and the war clock ticks on.