As Netanyahu weighs a U.S.-backed ceasefire and hostage deal, Smotrich and Ben-Gvir threaten to topple the government if it gives in and allows Hamas to survive, while the center-left opposition offers the Prime Minister backing to bring hostages home from Gaza and pause the fighting, perhaps indefinitely.
Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu is once again walking a political tightrope—this time over a proposed ceasefire in Gaza tied to a phased hostage release. With his far-right partners threatening to collapse the government over any pause in the war, and the opposition signaling readiness to back a deal, Netanyahu finds himself wedged between ideology and necessity, political survival and moral obligation.
The drama intensified after Otzma Yehudit leader Itamar Ben-Gvir called on Finance Minister Bezalel Smotrich, head of the Religious Zionism party, to form a united front and block any agreement that halts Israel’s offensive against Hamas. The two hardline ministers, who together command 13 Knesset seats, view a ceasefire—particularly one mediated by the U.S.—as a dangerous concession that could allow Hamas to survive.
“The war must end with Hamas dismantled,” Ben-Gvir said Tuesday. “Not with handshakes and promises.” According to N12, he personally urged Smotrich to pressure Netanyahu to reject the proposed deal.
Smotrich has expressed similar views. On Monday, he declared that he would oppose any agreement that ends active combat in Gaza without total victory. However, sources close to him denied that a formal meeting with Ben-Gvir was scheduled and stated the finance minister is handling the issue “with full force and utmost seriousness.”
The proposed deal—still under negotiation with American, Egyptian, and Qatari mediation—reportedly includes a 60-day ceasefire in exchange for a phased release of Israeli hostages. Former U.S. President Donald Trump, who is actively involved in the talks, posted on Truth Social: “Israel has agreed. Now make it happen. Get the hostages back!!!”
As of July 2, 52 hostages remain in Gaza, with only around 20 believed to be alive. Their condition is unknown, and Hamas has refused to provide updated information. The hostage crisis remains a source of deep national trauma and has ignited sustained public pressure.
Demonstrations led by hostage families have become a fixture in Israeli life. On June 7, thousands gathered outside the IDF’s Kirya headquarters in Tel Aviv, demanding that the government strike a deal, even if it means temporarily halting combat. “These are our sons, our daughters, our parents,” said one protester. “We don’t leave soldiers behind.”
In response to right-wing threats, opposition leader Yair Lapid extended an offer of political protection. “Netanyahu, against the 13 fingers of Ben-Gvir and Smotrich—you have my 23 fingers for a safety net for a hostage deal,” the Yesh Atid chairman said Wednesday. “We need to bring them all home now.”
The unexpected alignment opens the door for Netanyahu to proceed with the deal, even at the risk of alienating his far-right allies. National Unity party chairman Benny Gantz, who resigned from the war cabinet in June, has also signaled openness to supporting a hostage-centered ceasefire from outside the coalition.
Inside Netanyahu’s Likud party, opinions are mixed. Some ministers continue to back the hardline stance of “no ceasefire without victory,” while others have hinted that rescuing hostages must take precedence. One senior Likud MK told Israel Hayom, “You cannot preach ‘never again’ while leaving our people to rot in Gaza. We must act.”
The IDF’s leadership reportedly supports the deal as well. According to Maariv, senior officers believe the IDF has achieved strategic depth in the war and that a tactical pause would allow reorganization and humanitarian relief without abandoning key objectives. “Every delay risks more lives,” one officer said. “This isn’t weakness—it’s responsibility.”
The proposed framework envisions the release of approximately 20 live hostages in the first phase, followed by the return of bodies and a second phase addressing the governance of Gaza. While Hamas would not be recognized as a legitimate authority, a multinational oversight body—possibly including Egypt and the UAE—would begin handling Gaza’s civilian affairs.
Yet for Ben-Gvir and Smotrich, even that is too much. Both argue that any ceasefire rewards terrorism and that Hamas must be eliminated before talks of reconstruction or relief begin. Ben-Gvir has hinted that his party could leave the coalition if Netanyahu agrees to the terms. Smotrich has made clear that “ending the war without eliminating Hamas is unacceptable.”
As the pressure builds, Netanyahu has remained silent. But the message from both the street and Israel’s international allies is unambiguous: the hostages must come home, and the window to act is closing.
Ben Gvir is right; why allowing more Hudna’s ? “ holy lies”? Hamas should be ended before they reach the eternal flames of Geena ( where’s no rest, and end forever….)