Insofar as the regime radicals in Tehran are concerned, the Islamic Republic of Iran under their rule has managed to be victorious in the war with the United States and Israel. Their reasoning is based on having survived the January uprising (while murdering tens of thousands of fellow Iranians), major strikes on the nuclear and missile facilities, as well as military and infrastructure targets by Israel and the United States. Its leaders are confident that they can overcome the siege that Washington has placed on the Iranian ports, even though it is choking their major export: oil.

The ruling Iranian clique also believes that it will be able to keep the blockade around the Strait of Hormuz. According to their take on American domestic politics, they suspect that U.S. President Donald Trump will, in short order, cave under pressure from the American people, who are dealing with a rise in food and fuel prices. They anticipate that this pressure will lead to Republican losses in the upcoming midterm elections and that Trump’s agenda will be disrupted. The radical Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps—and their puppet and disabled new Supreme Leader, Mujtaba Khamenei—are convinced they can wait out Trump’s presidency.

In the meantime, Trump is frustrated by the current impasse with Iran. The Iranian response to his proposed peace deal was considered to be “unacceptable,” and he is increasingly impatient with how the Iranians are playing for time. The president has not yet decided whether to go all in, attacking Iran’s remaining nuclear facilities (taking out the 440 kilograms of enriched uranium), as well as the missile arsenals and drones, and then open the Strait of Hormuz to international shipping.

Apparently, there is uncertainty in the administration about a second round of bombing when 42 days of damaging attacks on Iran didn’t bring about a desired diplomatic settlement. Some in the administration are loath to spoil the atmosphere in the United States during the World Cup games scheduled for June and July by waging another kinetic campaign.

What needs to be fully understood by the U.S. administration and the American public is that Iran is ruled by religious fanatics who believe in the advent of the Twelfth Imam (the hidden Messiah who will bring “justice” upon Shi’ite Iran’s enemies) following an Armageddon, of sorts. Their religious doctrine makes compromise much harder since believers are convinced that they are carrying out a holy mission, and opposing the mission (the regime) means betraying God.

The regime has inculcated its supporters with such stark terms as a struggle between good and evil, with the regime’s leadership positioned at the center of this religious mission. This regime believes that if the war resumed and it were able to inflict casualties on American military personnel, along with Israeli and Emirati civilians and troops, they (the United States and Israel) would sue for peace, and the regime would “win” by not having to give up their nuclear material or address any other concessions.

In order to end the resistance of the extremists among the IRGC leadership, Israel and the United States must hit hard enough to bring them so much pain as to compel the regime to ask for peace on terms set by Washington. Although it’s hard to conceive the IRGC and radical mullahs giving up their nuclear ambition, there is a precedent where the Ayatollah Ruhollah Khomeini in 1988, sued for peace with Iraq after devastating losses during the Iran-Iraq War.

It is therefore essential that the American and Israeli militaries wage effective, sustained and massive firepower that would destroy the remaining ballistic missiles and attack drones, as well as their launchers. This would deny the Iranian regime the opportunity to attack the Arab Gulf states’ oil facilities, the Israeli home front and American bases in the Middle East. Economic pressure on Iran would further limit them to use their revenue to purchase essential goods, other than food and medicine. The military action would be limited to targets and infrastructure vital to the regime without hurting the civilian population.

The U.S.-Israeli attacks must include aerial, naval and limited ground forces that could be reinforced by the Iranian-Kurdish militia forces, and perhaps Ahwazi-Arab and Baluchi rebel militias. The ground forces would target major facilities, including the Strait of Hormuz and Kharg Island, and a commando unit would be needed to retrieve the 440 kilograms of enriched uranium buried deep in some underground cave. Naturally, extensive intelligence and strategizing would need to be available in advance of an attack. The ceasefire—now more than a month long—has enabled the Israel Defense Forces and the U.S. Central Command to gather munitions and make logistical improvements.

Once the Iranian regime extremists realize that Iran is militarily defenseless and vulnerable to American and Israeli attacks, in the event that it attempts to rebuild its strategic defenses or suppress the Iranian people from demonstrating for regime change, these extremists will seek a deal for their self-preservation.

No doubt the IRGC extremists recall the U.S. attack on Iraq in 2003 and understand that had Saddam Hussein possessed a nuclear bomb, America would, more than likely, not have attacked. The extremists are digging their heels in and refusing to compromise on a peace deal that would involve their giving up their nuclear ambitions and ballistic missiles, which they perceive as their defense against both internal and external forces. Therefore, only a massive and sustained attack to finish off what remains of Iran’s nuclear and missile arsenals will not only bring them to the negotiating table, but will ultimately expedite regime change.