The brutal massacre of Druze civilians in Sweida shattered illusions of peace with Syria. Preventing a recurrence is Israel’s responsibility—not only to our Druze brothers in arms, but as the region’s stabilizing power. That means permanent Israeli control of the Golan and all of Mount Hermon, and overdue creation of a Druze autonomous zone under IDF protection in southern Syria.

For a brief moment, it seemed that a new chapter could be opening in Israel-Syria relations. With US President Donald Trump lifting sanctions on Damascus and Israeli officials engaged in quiet talks with the Sharaa regime, hopes emerged for a limited agreement that could have brought calm to Israel’s northern front. Syria even indicated it would not demand return of the Golan Heights—a stunning departure from decades of hostile posture. Prime Minister Netanyahu’s recent visit to Washington fed speculation that normalization with Syria might not be so far-fetched.

But reality in the Middle East has little patience for Western optimism.

Within days, the city of Sweida—heartland of Syria’s Druze minority—was engulfed in violence. Bedouin tribes armed by rival jihadist factions attacked the city, and regime forces who had pledged to restore order instead joined in the assault. Hundreds of Druze civilians and fighters were killed. Survivors spoke of homes torched, women and elders gunned down in cold blood. What was billed as a “security operation” became, in effect, a massacre.

Israel, long wary of Syria’s shifting factions and regional patrons, could not ignore the carnage. In a significant escalation, the IDF launched a broad campaign—targeting military convoys en route to Sweida, regime artillery positions, and for the first time in years, command centers in the heart of Damascus. Airstrikes hit the Syrian General Staff building and a site adjacent to the presidential palace. It was a message delivered with unmistakable force: Israel will not tolerate jihadist militias or regime forces threatening its borders—or its allies.

But military strikes alone are not a strategy. Now that the illusion of a quick peace deal has been shattered, Israel must shape its long-term policy in the north based on enduring national interests. That means facing hard truths and acting with clear objectives.

The first principle is non-negotiable: the Golan Heights and all of Mount Hermon will remain under full Israeli sovereignty, permanently. There can be no ambiguity here. The Golan is not a bargaining chip. It is a vital strategic asset, home to thriving Israeli communities, and essential to our northern defense. Even more critical is the Hermon massif—whose ridges span from Israel into southern Syria and western Lebanon. Whoever holds the Hermon controls the high ground, the eyes and ears of Israel’s early-warning system, and the northern watershed.

Any suggestion of withdrawing from the Hermon’s eastern slopes or limiting Israeli military presence on the Golan would invite renewed Iranian entrenchment, Hezbollah positioning, or jihadist infiltration. These are not theoretical threats. They are the very forces that have used Syria’s collapse to dig in near our frontier. If there is to be stability, the Golan and Hermon must be part of the solution—not subject to future negotiation.

The second imperative is equally clear: Israel must lead the creation of a Druze Autonomous Zone in southern Syria, operating under an Israeli security umbrella.

The Druze are not strangers to Israel. They serve with distinction in the IDF. They are our neighbors, our comrades, our brothers in arms. Their villages dot the slopes of the Hermon on both sides of the border. Their loyalty and resilience have made them natural partners—and natural targets for Islamist groups who see them as infidels. The recent atrocities in Sweida prove that no central Syrian authority, including the Sharaa regime, can guarantee their safety.

A buffer region anchored in Druze self-rule—extending from Sweida to the Jordanian border and secured in coordination with the IDF—would serve three strategic goals: it would protect a loyal minority from persecution; it would block hostile forces from approaching Israel’s frontier; and it would signal that Israel will act to shape its regional environment rather than await chaos.

This is not about occupation or redrawing borders. It is about responsible deterrence. Just as Israel coordinated with the South Lebanon Army in the 1980s and 1990s, it can build a sustainable security alliance with local Druze forces. These fighters, battle-hardened and fiercely independent, need weapons, training, and infrastructure—not foreign troops. What they need most is a backer they can trust. That backer must be Israel.

There are those who argue that such a move would provoke international opposition or complicate future diplomacy. But diplomacy built on illusions leads only to failure and betrayal. The Sharaa regime, however Western-friendly in appearance, either allowed or directly supported the massacre of its own civilians. To treat such a regime as a reliable partner would be an abdication of moral and strategic clarity.

The world may ask Israel to show restraint. But true restraint means securing our borders before they are breached, not after. It means acting before massacres become genocides. And it means using our power not to occupy, but to protect. In a region where Christians, Yazidis, Kurds, and Druze have suffered ethnic cleansing, Israel must be the voice and shield for those whom the world forgets.

The Golan and Hermon are the cornerstone of our defense. The Druze Autonomous Zone can be the cornerstone of a new security order in southern Syria. Together, they represent not only smart policy—but righteous action.

Israel has the strength. Now it must have the resolve.